There have been numerous agreements reached by Palestinian factions to achieve national unity, the latest being the Beijing Agreement on July 22nd, which built upon the Cairo Agreement of 2011 and the Algiers Agreement of 2022. However, this long and repetitive series of agreements, which began even before Hamas’s coup against the Palestinian Authority, is stumbling over two fundamental issues. The first is Hamas’s desire to join the Palestinian National Council and the institutions affiliated with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), thereby securing a prominent position in the institution recognized by Arabs, internationally, and even by Israel—although Israel’s extreme right-wing government no longer recognizes anything. The second issue is Hamas’s actual willingness to relinquish power in the literal sense of the word in favor of a mutually agreed-upon national unity government. This would mean giving up its military wing and its role as an armed militia parallel to the Palestinian Authority’s security forces, a duality that makes it impossible to unify authority and ensure its effective control over all areas that should be under its responsibility.
Regarding the integration of Hamas into the PLO’s institutions, it was agreed to form a temporary leadership framework that includes the secretaries-general of the factions, comprising the 12 factions of the PLO along with Hamas and Islamic Jihad, as well as several independent figures. Despite the agreement to form this framework since 2011, it has never seen the light of day, nor has it ever convened.
There are many reasons why this framework has not been convened, including the lack of progress in the reconciliation process and the leadership’s fear of opposition from the United States, Western countries, and Israel to legitimizing Hamas, which these entities consider a “terrorist organization.”
There is also a deep-seated concern within Fatah about the possibility of Hamas taking control of the PLO after the next general elections, especially given the division within Fatah into different lists or factions, as was evident during the preparations for the elections that were supposed to take place in 2021.
However, this issue could be resolved by agreeing to hold elections after a sufficient period to rearrange the Palestinian situation, especially after the genocide that Israel is carrying out against the Palestinian people. The situation in Gaza will need years to stabilize before citizens can participate in an electoral process, and this, of course, is after the war has ended.
In reality, the urgent issue now, before anything else, is to save Gaza and begin to heal its wounds, starting with an immediate ceasefire, the entry of large quantities of aid, and addressing urgent humanitarian needs in preparation for Gaza’s reconstruction.
This process can be accelerated by Palestinian agreement on the issues of the day after the war. The issue of security in Gaza after the war takes top priority in rearranging matters, securing Arab and international support, and exerting serious pressure on Israel to stop the war.
If the factions agree on the singularity of the Palestinian Authority’s weapon after the war, and that no type of weapon would be in the hands of organizations or individuals except for the Palestinian Authority’s security forces, this would create greater confidence in the possibility of transforming Gaza into a secure area controlled by the Palestinian Authority with the consent of all forces.
This would also help stop the war and facilitate reconstruction. There can be no reconstruction amidst armed chaos and without the presence of a strong, internationally accepted government. This requires serious and genuine reform within the Palestinian Authority’s institutions.
The issue of weapons is undoubtedly sensitive in Palestinian society, with many adopting slogans and positions that reject the idea of disarmament, considering it a legitimate weapon of resistance according to international law.
Here, it is necessary to question the situation in Gaza after this devastating war. Will Gaza continue to bleed and be destroyed in this manner every few years, only to then demand a return to the pre-war situation or something close to it?
Isn’t it time for Gaza to find peace, for the bleeding to stop, and for citizens to have suitable living conditions, especially since Gaza can be a lever for the national economy and contribute significantly to bolstering the resilience of citizens in their homeland, which is the most important national task in confronting the Zionist settlement project based on land appropriation and the displacement of citizens.
We must stand before ourselves now and have an honest discussion, placing all the facts on the table regarding our future, instead of running forward and hiding behind empty slogans “Which will neither nourish nor avail against hunger”. We should think primarily about how to protect our citizens from harm, resist the occupation in a way that harms Israel without endangering us, and helps us strengthen our achievements on the international stage with the cooperation of Arab brothers.
There are a variety of forms of struggle that can achieve more effective results under these circumstances without the daily attrition and significant loss of life among our citizens. Let’s take a moment to rethink all our affairs and avoid repeating actions that have proven incapable of changing our reality for the better.
Author: Ashraf Ajrami